7.27.2012

Thank you for being my friends

I'm supposed to sleep this night after I have a hard day, but I really like this day. Because of that, i want to write every event that i did it, there are three important events that i divided : slept in 3 hours, arabic test, and 2 friends of mine. Nevertheless, sometimes God will give you funny and happy things after you have a hard day, yup! it is happened to me.

Every Moslem in this world, they are very happy when the Ramadhan month comes. In the Ramadhan month, we have fasting, and before fasting in the night we must pray Tarawih after that at 3.00 o'clock until before pray subuh we have to eat (Sahur). Logicaly, it will garnishee our sleep time, but I don't know why, and especially for me, I love to do it. Because of I read some books, there are so many beneficial to do fasting. Ok, back to the story! in the 8th night of the Ramadhan, i can't sleep until 1.30 am, and i must wake up at least before 4.30 am to have to eat, so i woke up at 3.30 am.So, it means i only had 2 hours for sleeping. After just slept only 2 hours, i can't sleep again until 10 O'clock, then i slept in an hour after that i must go to collage.

this is friday, and every male person of moslem has to pray friday in the day. Maybe because i slept only 3 hours, i can't see a thing in the clear way, its like blur. why i explain it first? because i have to go to collage because the arabic test, and i can't see clearly what the time an arabic test will be started, i guest it will be started at 12.30, but in fact it started at 13.30. Yup! i early to come, never mind, better than if i being late. I calculated the time at first before i go to collage, if i pray friday in the mosque that near my house, i will be late to the arabic test because the test will be started at 12.30. I suggest to all of you, don't try this at home. oh yaa, i forget something to explain, i have to explain what the arabic test first. the arabic test is similar Toefl test, it has also listening and so on. because of i have a lack knowledgement about an arabic language, so you can guess what happen in the arabic test, i already fill all of answer sheets before i read the questions.

After i finished my test, i have to pick up someone in another place, at least it spent 30 until 45 minutes from my test place to the place where i have to pick up someone by motorcycle, and if there is no trafic. so you can imagine how far it is. After that we must to her place, before that i have to face with jakarta's trafic jam, yup! it is nuts. after we arrived, there are many happy and fun things, Thank you very much to my God (Allah SWT). But i will not to tell how fun it is. the important is I'm so happy.

7.19.2012

Sovereignty in the International Politics

Jean Bodin defined sovereignty as unlimited power over citizens and subjects, unrestrained by law. This power, he instead, is by its nature absolute, unqualified, perpetual, and indivisible and reside not in the whole state but in the body of the citizenry in a democracy, in the estate of the nobility in an aristocracy, and  in the person of the king in a monarchy. Rulers rule by divine right but are subject to the laws of God, of nature, and of nations and also to constitutionalism. These limitations upon supreme power, however, are ethical rather than legal or political (quoted by Schuman 1969).

Johannes Althusius, defined sovereignty as the highest and most general power of administering the affairs which generally concern the safety and welfare of the soul and body of the members of the state. Grotius defined sovereignty as the power whose acts are not subject to the control of another, so that they may be made void by the act any other human will (quoted by Schuman 1969).


K.J. Holsti (2004) argued, sovereignty can divide the sovereignty concept into two components: those rules and norms that constitute states (defining the players of the game), and those that regulate how states relate to each other (rules of the game). Sovereignty is a foundational institution of international relations because it is the critical component of the birth, maintenance, and  death of states. The external aspect of sovereignty is that the state has constitutional independence. It is not legally subject to any external authority. in waltz's terms, the state decides for itself how it will cope with its internal and external problems, including whether or not to seek assistance from others... State develop their own strategies, chart their own courses, make their own decisions about how to meet whatever needs they experience and whatever desire they develop. If a state declares this as a right, it implies that it must recognize as legally equal those who claim similar rights. I cannot claim a right to exist as a sovereign person unless I am willing to concede the some right to my neighbors and associates. Sovereignty defines the essential characteristics of the relations between the actors, namely that no actor has a right to command others, and that none has the obligation to obey. In a technical sense, we call this anarchy ( no government). It means that all agreements and rules between states have to be based on consent.



7.14.2012

Cronyism

Neoclassical economic theory assumes that the institutional framework - the legal, political, and informational aspects of an economy -  is given. In a neoclassical world contracts are costlessly and immediately enforced, property rights are secure, and any initial distribution of resources can be voluntarily bargained over and exchange in order to maximaze efficiency. Thus built into the model is the idea that any government intervention must be deleterious, since it involves a move away from a perfect market. However, once the idea of an undistorted initial period is questioned, much of the distinction between profit and rent-seeking may involve fights over the distribution of rents and may not necessarily involve inefficient dissipation.

In contrast, transaction cost economics emphasizes that the creation, monitoring, and enforcement of long-term agreements are inherently impossible and therefore long-term or iterated exchange is risky. Transaction cost analysis thus examines the search for institutions that reduce the costs of exchange, since institutions evolve to minimize transaction costs. Closely related themes are property rights, informational asymmetries, and principal-agent models. In this world, a high performance economy is one in which institutions minimize transaction costs, property rights are secure, information is common or at least relatively public, and judicial and political rights are immutable. These conditions are not met in most developing countries. Coercion and uncertainly are both central to politics and economics and also intensify an actor's fear regarding potential expropriation, opportunism, and shirking. The scarch for institutions and methods by which actors can credibly engage in cooperative behavior is thus central aim of the new institutional economics.

Cronyism

The perspective of the new institutional economics is particularly useful in understanding cronysim, a blanket term that refers to a number of related concepts: family and personal realtions, bribery and corruption, patron-client relations, and collusion. In some cases cronysim involves political factions, groups, or informal networks, while in others it involves clans, families, or social groups. Cronyism is often seen as deleterious to economic growth because it implies decisions based on nonmarket principles, increases transaction costs, impedes efficiency, involves rent-seeking, distorts economic incentives, and makes exchange between actors more difficult. In most instances reliance on personal relations is detrimental to economic efficiency.

However, personal realtions sometimes enhance efficiency. Where legal, political, and economic institutions are weak, as in most developing countries, information about market conditions and possibilities is both scarce and difficult to obtain, and investments and property rights may be insecure. Long-term commitments of any sort are more difficult, because political and economic conditions and actors can change rapidly. Capital markets do not function as effectively in developing countries, and political and economic decision making is subject to greater uncertainty than in developed systems. For businessmen and politicians, the transaction costs of making and keeping agreements and securing property rights can be prohibitively high. Absent some enforcement mechanism, parties may be reluctant to enter into long-term relationship.

Under these conditions, cronysim can reduce transaction costs, because actors have deep and enduring contact with and knowledge of each other and are able to make nuanced judgments about each other's credibility and integrity. Monitoring is also easier, because all parties know each other and actors with long-term, close, and overlapping personal ties can sanction each other and spread information more easily. It is not true that, if long-run gains are uncertain, actors look myopically to the short run. Rather, they attempt to craft alternatives that will add some predictability and stability, often by relying on personal relations. In addition, bribes are marely tranfers. The relevant question is whether the resources will be put to more productive use by the bribe giver or the bribe taker.

Thus, cronyism can lead to better information, monitoring, and sanctioning, can strengthen property rights, and can provide alternative means of reciprocity and side payments. Within a well-defined set of actors cronyism may reduce transaction costs across the broad. Since institutions are weak and property rights fluid, confidence in exchange and agreements can be imbued only through other relationships. Under what conditions does cronyism lower rather than raise transaction costs?

reference:
David C. Kang, Transaction Costs and Crony Capitalism in East Asia, Comparative Poltics Vol. 35 No. 4 (July, 2003)

Dwifungsi and Legislative Seats

Through its doctrine of dwifungsi (dual function), the military has played a dominant role in national affairs. In recent years, however, dwifungsi has come under open question. It is indeed a sign of the times that the principal icon of the military, long unchallenged, has come under scrutiny. In the past, the issue was canvassed by some prominent but retired "dissident" generals like Lieutenant-General (ret.) Dharsono and Ali Sadikin and a few critical intellectuals like Arief Budiman. All called for the abolition of dwifungsi.

Such questioning of dwifungsi as lobbieb by marginalized dissidents has been confined to the outskirts of the polity arena but in June the critical line was crossed for the first time in a major political institution, the Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR or Parliament) where two academics, Miriam Budiarjo and Arbit Sanit, told a parliamentary hearing that the military's role in Parliament was no longer relevant and that a phased reduction in military's 100-seat allocation should begin. This would enhance the development of democratic institutions in Indonesia, they said. Their call prompted a response from Benny Murdani who told the same hearing that those calling for a reduction of military's role lacked understanding of its dwifungsi.

The discussion of the issue moved to an even higher level during Soeharto's National Day address. While paying heed to the Armed Forces as being "responsible for the life of our nation", he went on to add that the military's 100 nominees to the DPR/MPR "may be adjusted according to the prevailing situation". He said that a resolution of the matter could be reached through a national consensus following the formation of the next government when the MPR session met in March 1993. Whether that will be followed through remains to be seen but some analysts saw Soeharto's offer as a thinly-veiled threat to the military that they would have their parliamentary wings clipped if their support for his candidacy was not forthcoming. At that time ABRI had not yet made any formal declaration in favour of Soeharto's renomination. They only did so more than a month later on the night of 29 September when General Try Sutrisno announced their decision to support Soeharto during a meeting with military appointees to the DPR/MPR.

reference:
Tan Chee Leng, Indonesia in 1992: Anticipating Another Soeharto Term, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), 1993

7.13.2012

Utang Luar Negeri dan Penjajahan Gaya Baru

Kolonialisme Gaya Baru dibawah Kepemimpinan Amerika Serikat

Melalui pola pengambilan keputusan yang berlaku di IMF (International Monatery Fund) dan Bank Dunia, maka sebenarnya kedua lembaga ini tidak lebih dari lembaga keuangan yang memberi keuntungan pada Amerika Serikat melalui pemberian pinjaman, serta dominasi peran bankir swasta dan investor internasional dengan cara memastikan negara pengutang (termasuk Indonesia tentunya) menjalankan agenda ekonomi neo-liberal. Dengan demikian bisa dikatakan juga bahwa selama ini transaksi utang luar negeri pemerintah Indonesia selalu dibawah kendali Bank Dunia dan IMF. Bahkan kebijakan kedua lembaga ini turut menentukan kebijakan transaksi utang luar negeri pemerintah Indonesia dengan pemerintah negara lain (utang bilateral.
Keberadaan Bank Dunia dan IMF yang ditopang oleh negara-negara industri kaya lainnya ini bisa juga dikategorikan sebagai sebuah upaya sistematis menghadirkan pola baru kolonialisme oleh pusat-pusat kapitalisme dunia di bawah kepemimpinan Amerika Serikat. Hal ini bisa terlihat dari tujuan pendirian dan sistem pengambilan keputusan yang berlaku didalam kedua lembaga ini.
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) yang secara populer dikenal sebagai Bank Dunia dan IMF dibentuk melalui Konferensi Bretton Wood pada 22 Juli 1944 di New Hempshire (Amerika Serikat). Pembentukan menyalurkan utang luar negeri dan tidak terlepas dari konteks kepentingan Amerika Serikat.
Tujuan Utama Bank Dunia menurut anggaran dasarnya adalah membantu pelaksanaan pembangunan di negara-negara anggotanya, yaitu dengan menyediakan fasilitas pembiayaan bagi investasi-investasi yang bersifat produktif. Selain itu, Bank Dunia juga bertujuan mendorong pertumbuhan perdagangan dan investasi secara internasional. Secara khusus, kecuali dalam keadaan tertentu, fasilitas pembiayaan Bank Dunia dibatasi peruntukannya bagi proyek-proyek pembangunan seperti pembangunan bendungan, jalan raya, pembangkit listrik, dan proyek-proyek sejenis lainnya.
Sedangkan tujuan utama IMF menurut anggaran dasarnya adalah mengupayakan stabilitas keuangan dan ekonomi melalui pemberian pinjaman sebagai bantuan keuangan temporer, guna meringankan penyesuaian neraca pembayaran. Sebuah negara akan meminta dana kepada IMF ketika sedang dilanda krisis ekonomi.
pengambilan keputusan di Bank Dunia maupun IMF berdasarkan pada jumlah saham tiap-tiap negara anggota. Pemilik saham terbesar di kedua lembaga ini adalah Amerika Serikat yang mengantongi hak suara mencapai 17,5 persen. Sementara untuk menyetujui satu keputusan harus disetujui oleh 85 persen pemegang saham. Dengan demikian maka praktis tidak ada satu keputusan pun bisa diambil oleh Bank Dunia dan IMF tanpa persetujuan pemerintah Amerika Serikat sebagai pemegang saham terbesar di kedua lembaga ini.
Selain kepemilikan saham, dominasi Amerika Serikat juga diperkuat dengan ditetapkan dolar AS sebagai alat pembayaran internasional dan dikukuhkannya kedudukan negara itu sebagai pemilik tunggal hak veto di Bank Dunia dan IMF.
Dominasi Amerika Serikat didukung pula oleh fakta selama ini bahwa jabatan presiden Bank Dunia selalu dimonopoli Amerika Serikat. Dengan demikian bisa dipahami bahwa keberadaan lembaga keuangan mulitilateral ini sejak awal memang bertujuan untuk melembagakan proses ekspansi dan hegemoni ekonomi Amerika Serikat ke seluruh penjuru dunia bersama-sama dengan negara-negara industri kaya lainnya.
Hal itu semakin jelas terlihat dari berbagai persyaratan yang harus dipenuhi untuk bisa mendapatkan fasilitas pinjaman dari dua lembaga itu. Persyaratan bagi sebuah negara agar bisa memperoleh pinjaman dari IMF dan Bank Dunia selalui dikaitkan dengan kebijakan-kebijakan berskala besar yang harus diimplementasikan oleh pemerintah. Persyaratan tersebut biasanya meliputi desakan untuk meliberalisasikan sektor perdagangan dan keuangan, kemudian memaksa pemberlakuan anggaran ketat, (termasuk memotong berbagai subsidi dan anggaran sosial dalam anggaran negara), serta menekan agar pemerintah melakukan swastanisasi terhadap badan usaha milik negara (BUMN) melalui program privatisasi.
Dalam jangka panjang umumnya menekankan pada kebijakan-kebijakan: 1) liberalisasi perdagangan yakni mengurangi dan meniadakan kuota impor dan tarif; 2) deregulasi sektor perbankan sebagai program penyesuaian sektor keuangan; 3) privatisasi perusahaan-perusahaan milik negara; 4) privatisasi lahan pertanian, mendorong agribisnis; dan 5) reformasi pajak: memperkenalkan/meningkatkan pajak tak langsung.
Dengan demikian, jelas bahwa Bank Dunia dan IMF yang ditopang oleh negara-negara industri kaya adalah satu bentuk upaya sistematis pusat-pusat kapitalisme dunia dalam menghadirkan pola baru kolonialisme di bawah kepemimpinan Amerika Serikat.

Jebakan Jerat Utang Luar Negeri
Utang luar negeri sebagai upaya sistematis pusat-pusat kapitalisme dunia dalam menjalankan kolonialisme bisa terlihat dari jenis utang luar negeri yang mereka salurkan. Selama ini ada dua jenis utang luar negeri yang disalurkan pada pemerintah Indonesia.
Pertama, adalam pinjaman proyek yang diberikan oleh kreditor dalam bentuk barang dan jasa. Pinjaman proyek ini merupakan alat bagi kreditor untuk memasarkan barang dan jasa dari negara-negara pemberi utang.
Kedua, adalah pinjaman program yang diberikan dalam bentuk bantuan teknis untuk penyusunan undang-undang dan peraturan pemerintah. Pinjaman program ini bisa juga diterima dalam bentuk uang tunai. Namun pinjaman program sangat berbeda dibanding dengan pinjaman proyek. Pinjaman program bertujuan untuk mengubah undang-undang, peraturan dan kebijakan pemerintah. Tujuannya adalah untuk memudahkan aliran barang dan jasa dari negara-negara pemberi utang ke negara penerima utang. Termasuk melapangkan jalan bagi kemudahan perusahaan-perusahaan asing yang berasal dari negara pemberi utang untuk menguasai perekonomian nasional.
Usaha untuk menguasai perekonomian nasional melalui utang luar negeri sudah berlangsung sejak awal sebelum utang itu dicairkan. Selain pemerintah harus memenuhi persyaratan yang dicantumkan dalam perjanjian utang sesuai yang ditentukan oleh pihak pemberi utang  pemerintah juga harus membayar biaya komitmen utang. Setelah pemerintah memenuhi semua persyaratan yang diajukan para kreditor maka barulah komitmen utang luar negeri bisa dicairkan.
Dengan Kondisi ini maka efektivitas penyerapan dan penggunaan dana utang luar negeri oleh pemerintah Indonesia tentu bukan menjadi urusan kreditor. seperti biasa disaksikan dari pembuatan komitmen utang luar negeri yang berlangsung sejak pemerintahan Soekarno, penambahan komitmen utang baru menjadi semakin progresif ketika pemerintahan Soeharto berkuasa. Bahkan pembuatan utang luar negeri seolah tak terhentikan sampai dengan pemerintahan Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Saat ini hasilnya adalah utang luar negeri pemerintah semakin menumpuk dan membebani anggaran negara.

referensi :
Kusfiardi, Dilema Indonesia, Visi volume VI No.7, Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), Jakarta: 2007